Rating servants. Why there are more and more Zelensky’s party members in the Ukrainian government

In fact, questions will certainly arise about her current work. Still, on duty, the Minister of Reintegration of the Temporarily Occupied Territories will have to deal with neutralizing separatist sentiments in the east of the country. And Vereshchuk has a special view of separatism. In 2013, right after Viktor Yanukovych stabbed an association agreement with the European Union, she asked the European authorities to conclude a separate such agreement only with Rava-Russkaya. And although such a call was nothing more than political and legal nonsense, many in Ukraine officials took this statement as a call for the disintegration of the state.

Alexei Reznikov, who yielded to her chair, lost, along with him, the deputy prime minister’s status (this post is now also with Irina Vereshchuk), but his political influence has hardly decreased from this, but rather, on the contrary, has increased. Despite the importance of the work carried out by the Ministry for the Reintegration of the Occupied Territories – and it is responsible, for example, for humanitarian work with the residents of Crimea and Donbass, participates in negotiations with representatives of Russia and Western mediators, is developing a transitional justice strategy that should earn after the end of the Russian occupation and will operate until the full restoration of Ukraine’s sovereignty over the temporarily uncontrolled territories – the Ministry of War in a belligerent country has much more weight.

Moreover, the main mission of Reznikov as head of the department responsible for reintegration, one might say, has been completed. In fact, who headed (under the formal head of the Ukrainian delegation, ex-President Leonid Kravchuk) the representatives of Ukraine at the negotiations in the Trilateral Contact Group, he was able to draw attention to the farce that the delegates from the Russian Federation and the representatives of the occupation administrations of the DPR and LPR “.

Thanks to Reznikov, journalists Denis Kazansky and Sergey Garmash, natives of Donbass, who represent Donetsk at the negotiations, appeared in the Ukrainian delegation. Well acquainted with the situation in their home region before the war and closely following what is happening now in the territories of Ukraine occupied by Russia, they over and over again catch Russians and their puppets in lies, draw the attention of OSCE mediators to the obvious manipulations of Moscow and regularly talk about it on the air of Ukrainian TV channels and radio stations.

That is, the previously closed negotiation process through the efforts of Alexei Reznikov became much more open and due to this demonstrated to the Ukrainians one very important thing: to come to an agreement with the aggressor “somewhere in the middle”, as various politicians suggested, including Volodymyr Zelenskyy, before he was elected president. work out. The aggressor does not need any middle ground, he needs control – direct or indirect – over all of Ukraine.

The most reliable defense against any aggressive plans remains a combat-ready armed force, the leadership of which is now entrusted to a civilian official. Civilian, however, with a reservation. In the 1980s, the future minister served in the Soviet air force. But his whole further career was really purely civil.

Originally from Lviv, Reznikov graduated from the law faculty in his hometown and practiced law for many years. Over the years, he defended in court the interests of Savik Shuster, Vladimir Gusinsky, companies of Rinat Akhmetov and Viktor Pinchuk. His most notable case, however, was his court appeal against the results of the second round of the 2004 presidential election. Speaking on behalf of Viktor Yushchenko, officially declared a loser, Aleksey Reznikov was able to convince the judges of the need to hold a second vote, which Yushchenko won.